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So we're talking about approximately 0.15% of affected drivers who support the policy. But it doesn't include the 4,000 people who took part in further online surveys in February/March 2014, plus the consultation report also added some polling from 2013 (before the consultation) to help boost the number surveyed to a more respectable 8,315.Ultimately the best they can do is a total figure surveyed equivalent to 0.69% of the drivers affected by the policy - surely a quorum in anyone's book. In response to a Mayor's Question in 2015 [9] he said: So to summarise, of the 0.001% of Londoners surveyed, almost 8 out of 10 people who mostly thought the police already had access to Tf L's ANPR cameras were in favour of a policy that would allow their somewhat inaccurate view of reality to become more accurate.That's the headline figure for the consultation report, surely.Following the consultation there was another long period of what looked like nothing happening until Johnson quietly signed the Mayoral Decision [11] enacting the ANPR sharing policy in January 2015.One can describe Johnson's decision as quasi-judicial (as defined by the 1929 committee referenced above) in that it had some of the attributes of a judicial decision, but not all, and it ended in an exercise of discretion (by Johnson).In 1945 an Oxford academic pre-empted this part of my article when he wrote [12]: "It may be asked why, if a quasi-judicial process ends only in an exercise of discretion, it is worth while insisting on the strict presentation of rival claims and the proper ascertainment of evidence!The problem with part-works, as we all know, is that after the first edition with the free gift on the front it's difficult to keep up the enthusiasm and in the case of Johnson's manifesto there wasn't even a free gift.So alas not much attention was paid to the prose style of the ANPR section on page 14 of the crime edition, nor for that matter what it actually meant for the freedoms of the people of London.

He saw that reform by administrative processes was much swifter and was protected from the views of those who didn't agree, whom he dubbed "the obstructive minority" [2].

Amidst this historic amnesia the surveillance state is able to flourish and a renewed assault on administrative processes is going unnoticed. In 2012, Johnson published a multi-volume part-work manifesto.

Issued over several weeks this collection contained gripping editions such as 'Investing in Transport', 'Value from the Olympics' and many more.

] On 27th January 2015, then Mayor of London Boris Johnson signed an order increasing the data collection capability of the Metropolitan Police Service's (MPS) number plate camera network by 300%. The story of how Johnson was able to sign away the liberties of millions of drivers in London illustrates the rise of a new administrative despotism, and a contempt for individual freedoms and values once cherished.

For the beginnings of this current wave of administrative despotism please bear with me for a few short paragraphs as we travel back to the latter part of the nineteenth century.

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" You might notice the question doesn't state that most of the data collected will be of vehicles in no way whatsoever connected with crime, as the police use ANPR cameras to capture the details of every passing car, storing this and journey details in a national database for at least two years [7]. Well, doctoral research undertaken by the University of Huddersfield in collaboration with West Yorkshire Police [8] found that: "although the majority of people indicate awareness of ANPR (i.e.

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